2009-03-26

Complex and Context

Sketch of Complex looking to the East:


The education/acculturation center in this scheme has been combined into one gesture with the transit stop.
This singular gesture does much more to reinforce the logic of the rails to which they are adjacent, while at the same time creating a "swoop" that pulls people in off of Broad street and creates a visual connection deep into the site.

At the extreme right of the image is the "market-grocery" which has frontage towards the neighborhood to the rear. Looking at some maps, if you were to live in this neighborhood, the closest grocery is across the river and north (a walking distance of 2-miles). Clearly this is vital to any neighborhood development / relevance.

The houses / retail buildings (perhaps still quite sketchy) are in the foreground. The housing nests atop the retail, and with each having a monitor roof on the third floor which will walk out to a roof garden (and a fantastic view of downtown) they recall the warehouse vernacular of the surrounding area.

The last building is a bit of an economic opportunity maker with the building cut off at the lower Left (Northwest) of the site, which would be a restaurant. Kitchen opportunities are a chance for individuals with limited proficiency in English to make a decent living. Additionally this acts as an outreach to the community, by providing eclectic flair which crosses cultural boundaries.



On a side note:

Playing around with "Virtual Earth" today, trying to get a layer that allows me to draw radii from my site (like google maps but with more sophisticated imagery), when I found this aerial photo of the Franklinton Peninsula:

I think what this photo shows quite clearly, which I have diagrammed before is just how isolated this area is.
This photo is looking North. The site is at the intersection of Broad st (Most major East-West road in the photo), and the West side of the rail viaduct.

With that said and done, I'm ignoring all of the finer points of VE and getting back to the plans and sections.

2009-03-23

Updated Parti

Two main things are occurring in this latest Parti iteration:

1. The site got a little wider.

The reality of the existing site is that the lots along McDowell St. are too wide functionally to be used for any sort of development.
As seen below the lots running East-West along the left side of the image are 170' Deep. I am reducing them to 100' Deep in my scheme and claiming the remainder for some site circulation at the perimeter of the site:


With the site reduced there is a focus of how from a vechicular and pedestrian standpoint one accesses the site and why would you do this to begin with.

By switching the position of the transit and the grocery (market) in the original parti to locate the transit in the center, a reason for crossing the site is created. Additionally the market becomes referential not just to the site, but to the community & neighborhood beyond.



Shown with more detail the following sketch illustrates how and where the transit links to the rail viaduct above and crosses the site diagonally to thrust pedestrian traffic deep into the center of the site.



By sliding in at an angle odd shaped pockets occur between the buildings (none too large - deliberately) which can serve as a focus of human gathering or can be utilized for outdoor market space.

2009-03-21

One decision forces another:

After examining the parti scheme, and working in the sketch of the section, these two things did not reconcile with one another when I tried to hardline the stie.

The reality is that with ANY sort of vehicular traffic on the site, with any loading and unloading, and with any sort of scheme which allows for even a slight bend in the curtain wall, I need more width than I am showing.

Where this becomes a problem is that in order to make a coherent scheme, I need to take the whole block.

To really re-connect this neighborhood with the downtown, I need to be able to force people thru this block and across it diagonally, at least with the buildings and at a pedestrian level, I am not suggesting cutting across with a road.

So: Now I have too much width and need to turn the housing blocks 90 degrees so that I can take up some more width and I don't have a huge plaza inbetween.

Working on some sketches / drawings, but its taking a while to get them right.

2009-03-19

Elsewhere in Columbus - Gay and 5th

Two very different approaches to housing, incedentially they are adjacent to one another.
The more planar-modern one is on 5th Avenue facing East, the more "traditional" development is on Gay Street with the courtyard facing South.

Framing a courtyard space:

Hiding their garages (quite effectively) unitl you get to the alley where these are hidden you don't notice them.



Row Houses along 5th Avenue.



Site Sections

Cutting across the site in the short direction:



The courtyard between the two buildings (residential - commercial) / (Grocery-Education) is tight. I also want to incorporate some dedicated parking near the grocery which can serve the front entry. This will be a real challenge and I will need to rework the site to include this funcationality. Perhaps two small lots to the North and South of this main building. I'm not thinking that this is a Kroger or a Shaws and so don't need anything on that scale, but 10-20 spots should help the functionality of the site.

I do like the intentional narrowness of the courtyard (40') between the buildings. This space seems appropriately tight and keeps the scale feeling informal rather than monumental. on "market-days" A canvas awning can be extended on guide wires between the buildings. This will "close down" the space reducing the scale and providing some temporary enclosure for the market activity.

2009-03-18

Where do the rails go.

I have spoken about how the rails in Franklinton serve to cut off the site from the remainder of the Scioto peninsula, however I have not discussed the alternative.

What if rather than view these as a detriment to development, the rails are used as a catalyst?

The existing viaduct will be tied to the site with a commuter rail station. Franklinton would likely be one of three main stations where existing infrastructure converge to provide a nexus of access to multiple points throughout the city.

Below is a map showing the jurisdictional boundary of Columbus with smaller city names in text. The red lines indicate the existing freight rail lines which run thought the city. The two large black outlines are the city's passenger and freight airports.



Reducing this to a diagrammatic scheme shows how clearly the Franklinton station could be a point of convergance.

2009-03-14

Site Parti

This started out as a relational study between what I see as the three discrete elements / strategies for approaching the site. This diagram is a quick look at how the institutional (School-office) building meets the residential co-housing units and creates a pedestrian space between.


This is a closer examination of if the units met the larger scale buildings how they might interact to define space between, that slips in from outside of the space and connects beyond the site.
A footnote is that while this represents an idea, the site may be too narrowly constrained to work with much in the way of an angular sliding.



Looking at grade level, this layout diagrammatically shows the spaces which make up the complex.
Purple indicates commercial
Orange indicates institutional
Red indicates Transit stops or routes
Yellow is new vechicular cross-axes on the site
blue indicates pedestrian traffic and zones
and green shows where the residential units (above) meet the ground.


This shows the first level above grade (this will be relatively tall as the tracks are about 20' elevated above the surrounding site, in the Institutional buildings (shown orange) I would match the grade of the train beds. The orange bridges over to the residential units, connecting these above the level of the pedestrian plaza. This space between the buildings could act as a farmers market space. The red indicates a NEW link where a light rail station could utilize the rail viaduct, rather than treating it as an obstruction to the city. This is key, as many of the larger employers who are able to hire people with limited proficiency in English will not be downtown, but will be in distribution warehouses along the perimeter of the city. (I am working on a diagram for this, and should have it up soon.


Potential unit diagrams showing the relationship of each unit to the common-house.
individual and shared courts, have space where only one family or two families share space. The level of community is shifting across the site and the units will continue to show how that transformation breaks down from City-neighborhood-community-family down to spaces for the individual.


Site Strategy - Reconnect

At present, Franklinton despite its proximity to Downtown is a "Walled City" being enclosed by an interstate to the West, and a railroad viaduct to the East. The strategy for the site will be to utilize the railroad viaduct as an asset, suggesting its use as a central hub for a light-rail system, and itegrating it as a transit point to downtown.



Capital Street and Rush alley are anomalies at present: They penetrate one of the railroad viaducts but dead end into the other one. They will be reconnected with the site beyond, and developed in a manner that allows for both pedestrian access into the site.


All of the streets running thru Franklinton occur in an East-West orientation, but due to the way the neighborhood has developed as an isolated pocket, these streets do not have any cross links at a pedestrian scale.

A major goal will be to connect Broad Street to the North to State Street at the South end of the site.

Site Analysis - Franklinton



Research Topic - Sprawl & Isolation in Suburbia

Stalling Sprawl – restoring place to the suburban-city

Steven A. Munger, September 28, 2007

"When man goes blind, there always remains the question whether his blindness derives from some defect and loss or lies in an abundance and excess."- Martin Heidegger

THE SELF LOATHING OF SUBURBIA

Neither truly urban, nor truly rural, the suburb exists, almost universally, at the edge of any modern city. Suburbia is comprised of strip developments, auto dealers, fast food restaurants, freeway interchanges, corporate office parks and above all else, single-family residential houses, usually in beige. Suburbia is a lot like elevator music. By trying to offend no one, it inevitably winds up offensive to everyone. Suburbs are viewed by critics, either as too conformist, or too individualistic, as a product of a laissez-faire attitude taken toward development, or the presumed excesses of zoning and automobiles, as alienating and isolating. The cry of the critics is nearly universal: The suburb has failed its inhabitants and will surely be the ruin of us all! It will destroy our cities, and force us into a life not worth living! Critics of suburbia would have us believe that if
only we realized how bad suburbia is, surely we would pack up our bags, and return to an urban model of living. If it were that simple, wouldn't we have done it already? If suburbia really is so bad and so isolating, why is it that solid majorities of Americans continue to live in a suburban environment? Unlike most of the critics of suburbia, I have spent considerable time there; in fact, I now live, and have lived most of my life in a suburban environment. I agree that much of the criticism of contemporary suburbia is valid, and I share many of the concerns of the critics: The suburbs
are hard to walk. You do need a car for every trip. Mixed use is absent. Sprawl is a huge problem, perhaps the defining problem of our time. There is a sense of placelesness, of not belonging. Suburbia is difficult to navigate; the fractious sprawling nature of suburbia renders it impossible to understand the relationship between city and country, between center and periphery. However, to blame suburbia, and suburbia alone, for "the downfall of the American dream"
is hyperbole at best, and most likely trying to sell you something. To understand why these conditions exist, to understand why the contemporary city looks the way it does, we must examine the larger picture of what a city is, what a city does, and how a city manifests itself.

Cities exist, first and foremost, out of a social process; the difference between the rural and the urban environments is a result of the interaction of large numbers of people with one another. Without this interaction, there isn't a city to begin with and the discussion about the problems of the city-suburb is a very short one. This interaction however is more substantial than people just coming together in one location. The city serves a purpose, and three primary systems, collaborate to shape the nature of the city. First, there is the interaction with productive resources (economics and jobs), which provide us with a reason for coming together as a city to begin with. Secondly, the social contract (politics and laws) which govern how we interact with each other and with the surrounding environment, also providing a framework for the final force: Ambition (trade and transport), which serves to distribute goods and services. It is transportation above the other systems, which shapes the city. The economy, community, and transportation of cities are inexorably interwoven; and cannot exist without each other. When any of these three systems is absent or defective, the city itself becomes dysfunctional. Only once we understand these three forces, and how they shape our environment, can we hope to propose solutions that are more than skin-deep marketing ploys, and temporary or false solutions which will further the problems of the city-suburban environment. Such skin-deep solutions will continue to create unending, wasteful, sprawl. It is sprawl that de-humanizes, sprawl that isolates, and sprawl that accounts for many of the problems attributed to suburbia. If this all sounds depressing, you are not alone in thinking so.

THE NEW URBAN RESPONSE AND REALITY.

"When Americans are depressed by the scary places they work and dwell, contemplate some antidote, they often conjure up the image of the American small town. However muddled and generalized the image is, it exerts a powerful allure. The idea of the small town represents a range of human values that gigantisisim and corporate enterprise has either eliminated or mocked."

- James Kunstler, The Geography of Nowhere.

This statement epitomizes the attitude taken towards the problems of suburbia and toward sprawl, by the New Urbanists. The ideas put forth by Kunstler merit examination because New Urbanism is, perhaps, the most influential planning movement of the last fifty years.

New Urbanists view the coupling of insular design with zoning requirements that favor the use of the automobile as furthering the process of urban degradation. The movement of New Urbanism, fundamentally reactionary in nature, strives to look at the perceived failures of modernism, and seeks a return to a "more human" solution to the development of the city, which they term "traditional neighborhood design".

Although new urbanism is effective at spotting the ailments of the modern American suburban city and in marketing the ideals of urbanism, it lacks the substance to be an effective stalwart against sprawl, and suffers from a Post hoc, ergo propter hoc,

confusion of cause and effect. The New Urbanists criticize the Modernists for ignoring the relationships between things, while obsessing about buildings, which they attribute to the discontinuity of the suburban "sprawlscape". One could ask if the New Urbanists are making the same mistake by attempting to recreate the DNA of the traditional neighborhood, and not focusing on the larger systems that lead to the creation of successful neighborhoods and cities. The New Urbanists continue the fetishization of object over the framework of creation.

By focusing on the neighborhood alone, New Urbanism has been very successful as a tool for development and for sprawl. They seem to say, "If we only do it right this time..." Arguing that the sub-division must be re-configured is quite easy. A much more difficult task is to argue that such growth should be limited to begin with. Additionally, New Urbanism does much to undermine the civic institutions of small towns, which it purports to hold dear. The city of Celebration, Florida, often upheld as one of the paradigms of "good new urban design" is a prime example. Celebration was built as a model "town" by the leading New Urbanists Andres Dunay and his wife Elizabeth Plater-Zyberk. Upon closer examination of the "Town" some unusual patterns emerge. At the center of the development is the "Town Hall", however, the "Town Hall" does not house a democratic civic organization, but by a privately owned property management company. Celebration is not alone. Many New Urban, as well as other suburban developments, contain similar organizational structures. This doublespeak about community fosters an illusion of civic involvement while simultaneously encouraging the rejection of civic governance. This rejection of civic life and of the democratic process in favor of private government is both disturbing and harmful to the suburb. It is also harmful to the larger city of which the suburb is a part. Rather than encouraging participation in public life, one of the three forces that shape the city, we see a withdrawal from the public realm. Retreat from civic life at the neighborhood level creates a ripple effect, which causes a retreat from civic life at the city level. This leads to dysfunction. This civic withdrawal is viewed as one of the worst qualities of suburbia and would seem to undermine the New Urbanist argument for "Traditional Neighborhood Design".

New Urbanism is so appealing because it pretends to offer a panacea for all that ails the modern city. In reality, New Urbanism ultimately continues the trend of sprawl, at a slightly reconfigured scale, and undermines the genuine political nature of place. Building yourself out of sprawl is an exercise in futility. It is as futile as "gorging yourself thin," but it is what the New Urbanists tend to promise. As it relates to cities, difficult decisions must be made. Do we really value the "towns" of early twentieth century America? Do we value the civic institutions? Are we willing to make the necessary political decisions to create the conditions for real urbanism? If the answer is "No" New Urbanism may still hold some appeal for you.

PLACE MATTERS

Taking a page from the New Urbanists, let us examine the cities and suburbs of early twentieth century America, but this time, let's ask some questions that are more than appearance driven. If we value these environments, what is it about their nature that we find appealing? How does this stand in contrast to the contemporary suburban-city? Certainly, we value their sense of place. We value their character, and their individual sprit. We admire their individual character. None of these are controversial. However, without looking at how these areas fit into the larger city, and the forces that shaped them, we fall back into the flawed logic that produced Celebration.

Much of the disgust experienced with sprawl is a result of a sense of placelesness - the sense that you are nowhere, that location no longer matters. The self-styled urbanist Paul Virilio asks a telling question in his discussion of the contemporary city, "Where does the city without gates begin?" This is the starting point for recognizing the importance of place. To be considered a place, there must be some concept of boundary. Sprawl has destroyed any nature of a closed system, any sense of periphery or center. Although individual neighborhoods can be conceived of, a larger, holistic sense of place cannot. Sprawl has also reduced the character of the city, reducing its vibrancy and making it so that nothing unique remains. More simply put: if everything looks the same, everywhere is the same; it's nowhere. Without being able to identify a specific nature of place, we are unable to take ownership of it (which paradoxically is required for place to exist.) Without being conceived as a whole, or without contrasting from its surroundings, we cannot take ownership of place nor can we use it to orient ourselves. We will remain un-oriented, confused and unsatisfied. So, in spite of Robert Venturi's professed love of strip development, place matters. Places are created by the methods we use for moving people and goods from location to location. So, transportation creates place. Transportation in the form of the freeway can create sprawl, which acts centrifugally to destroy place. It is a vicious cycle.

WHAT CAN BE DONE?

When evaluating suburbia, using the criteria of economy, politics, and transportation, clearly suburbia is not in opposition to the city, but is an extension of the city, or more appropriately, the suburbs can be seen as a part of the city itself. Suburbs represent a new economic reality in which people live, work, and recreate. The problems of the city therefore cannot be solved by setting up opposites of urban = good; suburban = bad, but the system must be seen as a whole. Cities exist as a combination of economic and political force, urban and suburban alike. The freeway is the main instrument of transit in this new paradigm of city, and is largely responsible for the sprawl that has been created. If we intend to reduce sprawl, we must advocate for several things.

First, growth boundaries are necessary to limit sprawl. By establishing a perimeter, we acknowledge that the city is finite. This perimeter both halts sprawl, and allows for the city to be conceived as a whole. A growth boundary restores the balance of the city, allowing for the making of place. As architects, advocating for limits on growth can be a frightening prospect. Common wisdom would suggest that to limit growth, would be to limit work, which for an architect could mean a cap on revenue. This thinking is incorrect. Cities remake themselves every fifty years, so while this may mean less big-box work and less green-field development, very few architects would find themselves out of work. I would suggest that those who found themselves in that position would only have karma to blame. Growth boundaries also remove the impetus of the developer to make an overwhelming amount of oversized beige housing. If we advocate for limits on boundary and we are able to achieve these limits, sprawl will cease its relentless march. The growth perimeter could be a continuous ring of metro-parks, which can act as a buffer between the urban and the rural, while providing for recreation for the city.

Second, growth boundaries also acknowledge the interdependence of a region, politically, economically, and physically. We should advocate for the creation of a metropolitan government, which oversees matters of transportation, and growth, as well as sewers, water, and utilities, but which leaves essentially local matters in the hands of locals. The benefits to the architectural profession would be immediate, only one building department to deal with, only one set of regulations. This is an architects dream.

Americans have always been skeptical of government, and for that matter of cities, but from its inception, the government has shaped the nature of growth in our nation. Only in the last fifty years, have we given over the realm of the government to private corporations, which do not serve the broad public interest. This is contrary to our principals of democracy, and like Celebration, Florida, should be viewed with skepticism. In the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt:

"The first truth is that the liberty of a democracy is not safe if the people tolerate the growth of private power to a point where it becomes stronger than their democratic state itself. That, in its essence, is fascism-ownership of government by an individual, by a group, or by any other controlling private power."

FDR's statement reveals much about the relationship of the government and its responsibilities to its citizens. Government should not eschew its responsibility to the public to the point where it no longer acts as a stalwart against individual control. A metropolitan government restores the political component of a city and would prevent individual developers from playing small suburbs off against one another. No longer are the participants of PUD's CID's and suburbs allowed, to "opt out" of the political discourse. Because the suburban dweller is engaged with the region politically (assuming they use the roads, water or, sewers), they should have a stake in the metropolitan government. As architects who are dependant on growth, and redevelopment, we should encourage regional government to set up the framework that regulates, not the form of a city, but how a city forms itself.

Finally, transportation is the primary force that shapes the metropolitan region, and our decision to build interstate freeways within our metropolitan areas has been particularly destructive. If we really want to recreate the small town and early twentieth century suburb… if we want to make place unique… if we want to increase the density of the city, we must be prepared to stop building freeways, and perhaps to remove some of those that we have built. The early suburbs were walkable (as the New Urbanists are apt to point out), because they were streetcar suburbs. Mixed uses existed because pedestrian foot traffic was sufficient to support commerce via the daily commute. Things were within a five minute walk, because that is what was necessary as a result of the form of the transportation. If we want these attributes in our neighborhoods we must be willing to advocate for mass transit, and as architects to plan our developments with mass transit in mind. Cities exist as a complex overlapping web of social interaction, so transit should not be viewed in a linear fashion, going from point "A" to point "B". As architects, we should be flexible enough to realize that in the modern city, transportation does not necessarily mean going from downtown to the suburbs, but frequently from suburb to suburb, from neighborhood to neighborhood. The form that the new city must take is far more complex and tangled, if we wish to repair the newly established edges of our metropolitan city.

Mass transportation should not eliminate the automobile, but it should make it less convenient to use. We as architects can play a vital role. Strive to eliminate parking in urban environments, and curtail it in areas that are available to mass transportation. Think of all the land that would open to development, if only we could eliminate the vast sea of parking. It should be the goal of architects to eliminate the necessity of automobile use, for every trip, every time.

Therefore, architects should act as advocates for change, while understanding that urban form does not spring into being, but is the result of the interaction of transit, politics, and economics. Architects should get involved with local government, to educate the public about development patterns and consequences. Architects should plan for systems that rely less on automobiles and freeways and encourage our clients to consider alternate development patterns. Architects should lobby, for limits to metropolitan growth, and the creation of a government to oversee the development of the region.

A REGIONAL APPROACH TO PLACE

Addressing good neighborhood design involves not looking specifically at the sub-division, but rather at the subdivision as it relates to the city as a whole, politically, socially, economically. It involves examining the relationships between the neighborhood, the city and the larger metropolitan area. It involves an understanding that the decisions we choose to make, have far reaching consequences past what we originally may have intended. The forces that shape our cities, our suburbs and our regions are far beyond, the direct control of architects. It has been arrogant for us to assume that our own visions are able to shape the form of the city. It has been near sited of us to focus on anything smaller than the city as a whole. We can however, still impart positive change by advocating for smart policies of planning. For limits to urban growth. For cities, not private individuals to set the formwork for the built environment, and for a regional cooperation, and a regional approach to placemaking.

Site and Neighborhood Selection

Hydrology & Historical Settlement Pattern:

Five rivers flow from North to South through Franklin County, the most major of these being the Scioto River. The Scioto drains to the Ohio river and marked the eastern extension of the Virginia Military District. This was the inital impitus for settlement in Central Ohio, with the National Road, providing an influx of settlers throughout the first half of the 19th Century. Columbus, expanded in an inverted "T" with the arms heading East and West on the National road, and extending Northwards along the Olentangy River.


Interstate / Intercity Transportaion and Commerce:

Limited access freeways, while a boon to inter-city and interstate commerce, cause rifts within urban areas which separate neighborhoods, creating pockets of space within the city. Franklin County is bisected with rail lines, (none of which are commuter or passanger), these too cause division and rift within the urban environment.

Local Traffic and Political boundaries:

Building upon the previous maps, here the present day metropolitain bounday of columbus is shown in yellow against the background of the county. State or Nationa routes (shown in red) have the opposite effect of interstates and provide access for public transit which can start to unify areas (or at least make them more accessible). Major city roads are also shown in orange.


Setting Criteria for suitable neighborhoods:


Looking at an aerial photo of downtown shows how each of these three potential areas is situated at the cusp of the major downtown area.

Each of these areas was singled out for consideration because they met some initial criteria which is important in siting the refugee center for acculturation.

1) Central location:
2) Mixed usage:
3) Along multiple mass transit lines
4) proximity to hospitals, libraries, and other services
5) Economic opportunity by proximity to downtown
6) Mixed ethnicity neighborhoods
7) Mixed economic neighborhoods


Parsons Avenue:

Self styled as the "Gateway to the South" Parsons avenue is one of the major axes which connects the heavily industrial corridor along State Route-104 to the South to the very edge of downtown. Historically it was settled by emigrants from West Virginia and Kentucky coal country, but also has a large African American presence in the present day. The advantage of this area for consideration is that it is close to many of the amenities required for the center. However several factors ultimately showed that they would not be conducive to the siting of the project.

The stretch is "filamentary" in nature and beyond the street itself has little bulk. The urban environment immediately to the East and West of the street reverts to single family housing. Additionally to the West of the street, the gentrified historic neighborhood of German Village, drives rents sky high.

Ultimately it is the link to downtown which I found to be problematic. Interstate 70/71 split immediately to the North of this area. They create two large chasms which separate the city downtown from this neighborhood. To traverse this void on foot requires a 10 minute walk in itself, and doesn't get you very far into downtown. In reality this area is a 25 minute walk from downtown proper, and may be too far to walk to catch a cross town bus.


King-Lincoln Bronzeville

This is an up and coming neighborhood, centered around the historic Lincoln Theater, it is the smallest neighborhood of the three considered, the most compact, and has some of the nicest buildings and urban environments.

Which poses the problem: this area is on the cusp of gentrification, with stately homes, cafe's, jazz clubs and theaters, this area has become the "in" place to be for people out-priced of German Village or the Short North. While it's trendiness makes it a great place to hang out, I feel that it does not best serve the refugees, as its link to downtown is again across I-71. It is much closer to downtown being a 15-minute walk to the central transit hub, and its close access to Broad street does make it a viable location.


The Lincoln Theatre is in the process of being restored:


New storefronts reveal a commercial area which has some vibrancy.


Public art focused on Jazz and Blues adorns the sidewalk.


Stately homes and low (for now) rents are attracting gentrification.


Franklinton:

Franklinton is a very mixed bag, it has the closest proximity of any neighborhood to downtown being only a 5-8 minute walk across the Scioto River. While geographically separated and isolated, the river is an amenity in addition to being a barrier (I cannot say this of the interstates)

Franklinton was the earliest settlement in Central Ohio, and was eventually annexed by Columbus.

Problems with flooding have limited economic growth, but the recent addition of a flood barrier have primed this area for development.

The neighborhood is a mix of historic strucutres (like the Toledo and Ohio depot seen here)



Row-houses are common


Small businesses line Broad street, yet the area has not yet developed a "gentrified" feeling to it. This is still very much a lower income working class neighborhood.





Ultimately I feel that Franklinton will be the most suitable location of the three neighborhoods, as it has the best access to mass transit by virtue of being closest to the downtown hub, it is not yet over priced, it has a lot of real-estate which can be rehabilitated / developed. It is in an area which will likely welcome any influx of people / capital, it is at the edge of a major civic area and has the potential to attract large numbers of people (which will be key to the economic outreach portion of the project).